Kiev

Kiev (Ukrainian: Київ - Kyiv, Russian: Киев - "Kiev") is the capital and largest city of Ukraine with - officially - over 2.7 million inhabitants (unofficially claimed number is up to 4.0 million inhabitants). The city is located in north central Ukraine on the Dnipro (Dniepr) river.

[edit]Understand

Ukrainians are understandably very proud of their capital's role in establishing European civilisation in Eastern Europe.

Kiev is one of the oldest cities in Eastern Europe, its official history dating back to the 5th century, although settlement on this location was present since much earlier. By late 9th century Kiev became the chef-lieu of the emerging state of the Eastern Slavic tribes, and between the 10th and early 13th century, it reached its golden age as the capital of the first Ukrainian state known today as Kievan Rus, (Kyivan Ruthenia, or Rus-Ukraine), which predated modern Ukraine, Belarus and Russia.

In the middle of the 13th century Kievan Rus was overrun by the Mongols, and later this century Kiev became part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and later the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In 1654 Kiev was liberated from the commonwealth by Cossack Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky, who then promptly signed the city over to become a protectorate of Russia.

In 1775 it was completely annexed by the Russian Empire. The city remained under Russian rule, with brief, but uncertain, periods of independence in between 1918 and 1920. During these two centuries, Kiev experienced growing Russification and Russian immigration. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Kiev became the capital of independent Ukraine and is now quickly learning the role of a large European capital.

According to the last census (2001) Kiev has a population of 2,600,000, although it's generally acknowledged that, in 2006, that the population is over 3 million. About 85% declare themselves as Ukrainians, 12% as Russians, there are also Armenian, Azeri, Belarusian, Jewish, Georgian, Polish, Romanian and Tatar minorities. Today, not only has the population of Kiev likely increased, but also percentage of Ukrainians declaring Ukrainian nationality, as a result of the strong nationalist movement after the October 2004 Orange Revolution. Nevertheless, even most ethnic Ukrainians in Kiev tend to use Russian more frequently than Ukrainian both in business and in everyday conversation.

About 40% of the population has secondary education.

The average summer temperature is 24°C, and in winter is -4°C.

Russian is widely spoken in Kiev, particularly in business, including shops and restaurants. The common English name for the city, "Kiev," is a transliteration from the Russian language. The transliteration of the city's name from Ukrainian is "Kyiv", and this variation is used in many English language materials in Ukraine.

Many people in Kyiv are hospitable and will be eager to help you. However, if you're from Western Europe or North America, you may find service in restaurants and shops less attentive than you're accustomed to.

Apartment Rentals Kiev

Day of decision!

Finally after 15 months, numerous documents notarized, apostilled, translated into Ukrainian, then notarized in Ukraine, submitted to government, redoing some of the documents because of some technicalities, meeting with a lawyer, paying court fees and an hour in the courtroom with the judge – the decision has been announced that Sergei and Valera are part of the Kuenzli family. Well, at least in 10 more days as Ukraine requires a 10 day waiting period before it’s all signed sealed and delivered.

Now you may be asking – it that the end? Nope! After the 10 days are over we begin the task of getting new Ukrainian documents with their new names. Which by the way are – Will Peterson and James Peterson Kuenzli. On 19 May we’ll start getting their new birth certificates, tax IDs, and then medical exams (required by the US govt), Ukrainian passports and finally the all important US visa. That should be all finished by 29 May, if all goes as we have planned.

Probably the best part of this whole thing was when Sergei (Will) asked me as the judge was reading the official court decree in its entirety – “if the judge says yes, does that mean we now have a Mom and Dad?” When I told him yes he got a HUGE smile on his face. There was absolutely no doubting what he wanted the outcome to be!

Please continue to pray as we finish the documents and as the boys begin transitioning! Thanks!!

ps. Appartment Kiev Ukraine

Christmas Traditions in Ukraine.

Christmas in Ukraine is celebrated January 7 according to the Gregorian calendar as in most of other Orthodox Christian countries.

During the Soviet time it was not officially celebrated in Ukraine. Instead communist government tried to substitute Christmas with the holiday of New Year. But people did not forget their traditions. After gaining it’s independence in 1991 Ukraine started to celebrate Christmas officially as well.

There are numerous Christmas traditions here. They vary significantly at the different parts of Ukraine.

In most parts of Ukraine on the Christmas Eve people create so-called ‘Vertep’ (means cave in ancient Greek). These are scenes from Bible of Jesus birth. They show little Jesus in manger, Mary, strangers offering their gifts and Bethlehem star in the sky. Those verteps are exhibited at public places, usually near or inside churches. At night candles are installed inside verteps for people who come to church for the night service can observe them.

The Christmas Eve is called in Ukraine ‘Sviaty Vechir’ (Holy Evening) sometimes also called ‘Sviata Vecheria’ (Holy Supper). People usually cook some tasty foods for this evening. There should be at least 12 different foods on the table. Those should mandatory include ‘Kutia’ -- the ritual food which is prepared from cooked wheat and special syrup containing diluted honey, grated poppy seeds, raisins and sometimes walnuts.

Flat in Kiev

Russia and Ukraine forge new ties

Ukraine's pro-Western president has said talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin represent a new chapter in relations between the two states.

Mr Putin is visiting Ukraine for the first time in nearly two years amid signs of improving ties.

Relations have been strained since the pro-Western Viktor Yushchenko defeated the Kremlin-favoured candidate for the presidency two years ago.

Mr Putin described the talks as both friendly and businesslike.

'Political will'

Speaking after his meeting with Mr Yushchenko, he said that only co-operation between the two countries could guarantee energy security in Europe.

The Russian president's visit comes nearly a year after Russia briefly cut off natural gas supplies to the former Soviet republic over a price dispute.

Last month, Moscow announced that Ukraine - which remains heavily dependent on Russian gas - would have a smaller increase in the price of gas imports than its neighbours.

Mr Yushchenko, said that trust, mutual understanding and political will were needed to tackle many of the disagreements between the two neighbours.

"On many issues there is pure politicisation that stands in the way of removing them from the agenda," he said.

But he said the lack of a confrontational attitude in addressing these issues was "the biggest breakthrough of today."

Power struggle

The visit comes amid an escalating power struggle between Ukraine's president and prime minister.

The pro-Russian Prime Minister, Viktor Yanukovych, is increasingly edging out the president.

Since his election, Mr Yanukovych has made it a key part of his policy to improve ties with Moscow, damaged after the 2004 Orange Revolution.

The BBC's Helen Fawkes, in Kiev, says that the trip has been seen by some as an attempt by Russia to boost its influence over Ukraine now that a prime minister seen as friendly towards Russia is in place.

During the meeting, the two presidents also discussed Russia's Black Sea fleet, which is currently based in Ukraine.

The lease for the naval base is due to run out in 10 years' time, and Moscow is keen to extend this.

Mr Putin said the Black Sea fleet was an important factor in regional security and stability, but said that the interests of both countries should be taken into account.

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Ukraine still feeling gas pressure

Ukrainian householders have seen gas bills double

It was a year ago that Ukrainians woke up to discover that Russia had gone ahead with its threat to cut off gas supplies.

Kiev had refused to meet demands by Moscow to substantially increase the price.

A few days later Ukraine agreed to almost double what it paid, and the gas was turned back on.

A repeat of the gas crisis is unlikely as the two neighbouring countries have agreed a deal for 2007 which puts the cost up by another 40%.

It is ordinary Ukrainians who are being hit the hardest by the consequences of the dispute.

Life is desperate and with the energy bills going up, it's going much, much worse Galina Alekseeva Pensioner

In the last year, energy bills paid by householders have gone up by more than 100%. That has sparked anger, as Ukraine is one of the poorest countries in Europe.

There has been a wave of action across the country.

Thousands gathered in the capital recently to demonstrate about the price they have to pay for gas and other utilities, which is set to increase again in January.

"My pension is worth $75 (£38) a month but the council wants me to pay almost all my pension on bills," complains Galina Alekseeva.

"Already we can't afford to eat or drink properly. We can't afford to get sick and pay for medicine."

"Life is desperate and with the energy bills going up, it's going much, much worse," she adds.

'Chain reaction'

There is now speculation in the media that some people may simply stop paying their bills.

"This problem may lead to a negative chain reaction," says political commentator Volodymyr Fesenko.

"If the public doesn't pay, this may cause a shortage of funds for the energy companies. This is fraught with political problems and risks."

Ukraine gets 30% of its gas from Russia

At the same time the cost of living in this former Soviet state is also going up.

"In the past prices were kept artificially low, but these have started to become more realistic. And so, for example, the cost of food and transport is increasing, which has been a great shock for people," says Eldar Gazizulin, an economist at the Institute for International Policy Studies in Kiev.

Ukraine remains one of the biggest consumers of gas in Europe. Its industry is dominated by steel and chemicals producers.

These sectors use high levels of gas and there were fears some of these businesses would be destroyed by the increased price of energy.

World prices for chemicals and steel have however remained good, limiting the impact, but should the prices drop there are concerns these companies would no longer be able to compete so effectively on the international stage.

"It's the chemicals sector which is likely to be the first to suffer and who will face the threat of bankruptcy," says political analyst Oksana Shulier.

Wake-up call

Ukraine continues to be one of the most energy-inefficient countries in Europe.

The wake-up call that urgent action was needed to transform its Soviet-era energy systems came on New Year's Day in 2006.

It is estimated that those reforms will cost Ukraine more than $20bn, but in the last year the government spent less than $500m. "It feels like little has changed," says Mr Gazizulin.

"There have been lots of public statements about energy efficiency since the gas crisis, but the state just can't afford to spend the huge sums of money needed to properly introduce power saving measures."

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Kiev becomes latest property hotspot

When you think about property hotspots in Eastern Europe, Prague, Warsaw or even the Baltic states may spring to mind.

Most new flats are sold with unfinished walls and floors

Few people would necessarily put the capital of Ukraine in the same category.

Yet Kiev is now believed to be the most expensive city in Eastern Europe in which to buy a home.

Prices increased by 10-25% in just the final two months of 2006.

New blocks of flats are springing up across the capital of this former Soviet republic.

Concrete shell

One such is the Triumph apartment complex.

It overlooks rolling hills and golden-domed churches on the edge of the city, and according to TMM, the company responsible, will have a swimming pool, spa and underground parking.

It makes me feel hopeless and helpless... there is no place for young professionals like me in this city Tanya Voroshko

Although months remain till the building is complete, much of it has been sold already.

And although the flats remains a concrete shell - as with most flats in Kiev, it is up to the owners to fit floors and doors and finish the walls - a three-bedroom unit is valued at about $1m.

This kind of price is estimated to be about three times what it would have been two years ago - although, with no public register, no-one is entirely sure of the exact figures.

The cost of apartments has already overtaken some EU cities like Amsterdam.

"It's been amazing," says Tanya Plemenyuk from NAI Pickard Commercial Real Estate Services, who is showing a prospective investor round the flat.

"Kiev has experienced such a property boom. I bought a flat three years ago for $30,000, and now its worth up to $200,000."

Speculators

Part of the story is simply a rising demand for accommodation as wages go up and the economy grows - a demand for which supply cannot keep up.

Many sites operate 24 hours a day

"People simply want to move out of their old Soviet style housing, and move into something more comfortable," says Jaroslav Kinach from property developers XXI Century Investments.

In addition, many Ukrainians don't trust banks, preferring property as a way of securing their savings.

And then there is also a new class of super-rich Ukrainians looking for ways to invest their money: a tiny, but incredibly wealthy, group of business people who have done well since the collapse of the USSR, often in traditional industries such as steel production.

But the main driver for the property boom is speculation.

Investors tend to snap up new flats, then leave them unfinished and empty - adding to the imbalance between supply and demand.

At the offices of agents Parker and Obolensky, prices start at $500,000.

"In my experience the most expensive places cost $25,000 per square metre," says Parker and Obolensky's Ruslan Suchkoe.

"That's not a joke. Apartments of this price are about 100 to 300 square meters in size."

Such a valuation would put the top of the market at around $7.5m.

Out of balance?

But despite the building frenzy, Ukraine remains one of the poorest countries in Europe.

For many living in Soviet-era blocks, the new flats remain out of reach

The cheapest one-bedroom flat in Kiev costs in the region of $100,000- far beyond the reach of most people in a city where the average salary is about $200 a month.

At the age of 30, Tanya Voroshko still lives with her mother.

For her, buying her own home seems like an impossible dream.

"It makes me feel hopeless and helpless," she says.

"No matter how hard you try, taking into account I make pretty good money, still I can't afford it.

"It makes me feel angry and like there is no place for young professionals like me in this city."

Even as darkness falls across the capital, the building work continues.

Some building sites operate 24 hours a day.

But with so much speculation, and such an imbalance between prices and salaries, many fear that the residential property market in Kiev is in danger of overheating.

It could be a bubble - and if so, there is no way of knowing when it might burst

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Yushchenko: How Low Can He Go?

KIEV, Ukraine -- We all know about the rise and fall of Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko. He was respected as the head of the National Bank, then trusted during his short stint as prime minister, and finally swept into the presidency during the country's Orange Revolution.

SBU security service armed men, sent by Viktor Yushchenko, stand in the headquarters of Ukraine's state energy firm Naftogaz in Kiev on March 4, 2009.
It seemed like a fairy-tale political career - and indeed it was. A common thread that runs through Yushchenko's fairy tale is inaction: As the nation's top banker he was a technocrat, as prime minister he bowed to the corrupt President Leonid Kuchma (who ironically may go down in history as a more capable Ukrainian leader), and as president he has allowed himself to be manipulated by allies and bullied by opponents, many of whom are former allies.

Yushchenko isn't only the hero of his fairy tale gone wrong, he is one of the few people who still believes it. At one time, his fellow countrymen, with more hope than experience in democracy, also believed in Yushchenko. Now his public approval ratings are in the single-digit range.

He was hailed as 'the messiah' upon taking over the country in 2005. Part of the reason that Yushchenko was honored with this seemingly blasphemous appellation is that he suffered like a messiah during his rise to the presidency, particularly when his face was disfigured by poison during the 2004 election campaign. But despite the treachery and indignity of it all, Yushchenko showed himself to be more of a patient sufferer than an indomitable hero.

Over the succeeding years, the pro-Western Ukrainian president managed to squander the confidence of voters, foreign leaders and - most importantly - the vast majority of his political allies. His faction in parliament is no longer his, or apparently anyone else's; his appointments in the government are assailed and then dismissed, often later joining one of Yushchenko's political opponents. But Yushchenko's biggest mistake has been current Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, his one-time co-revolutionary turned unrelenting competitor for the presidency.

Either because of her or in comparison to her, Yushchenko has come to be known as weak, incapable and indecisive. In turns and sometimes in league with the villain of the Orange Revolution, former Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych, Tymoshenko has isolated the president from his power base while stripping him of his power. The presidential authority enjoyed by Yushchenko is a fraction of that wielded by his predecessor Leonid Kuchma.

As the road to the next presidential elections shortens, flanked by economic chaos, trench political warfare and sour foreign relations, it appears that Yushchenko is trying to consolidate his legacy. Resigned to electoral defeat, he might at least be trying to lay the foundations for future stability - European integration, NATO membership, Orthodox unity, confidence in Ukrainian culture, etc.

Whatever his drawbacks in terms of teambuilding, resolve and decisiveness, the man's integrity has never seriously been challenged, either because it is unassailable or because most Ukrainians wouldn't believe otherwise. Instead, Yushchenko's opponents have almost always accused him of surrounding himself with corrupt advisors and fellow travellers, thereby making him guilty of only bad judgment.

But now, after years of inter- and intra-factional instability, Yushchenko's enemies (i.e. Prime Minister Tymoshenko) are going for the juggler. No longer just the guy who failed to fulfill the values of the Orange Revolution, failed to reign in political infighting, failed to deliver economic prosperity, and ticked off the Russians to boot, Yushchenko is being painted as a desperate man willing to ally with the foulest of characters and betray the most basic of national interests in order to keep his job. And worst of all, the president himself is holding the paint brush.

Last week, the battle between Yushchenko and Tymoshenko for power reached a new low, when the nation's spy service, the SBU, raided the offices of its national energy company, Naftohaz-Ukrayiny. The SBU, which is controlled by President Yushchenko, claimed that Naftohaz, which is controlled by Ms. Tymoshenko, had "stolen" 11 billion cubic meters of natural gas from now redundant intermediary gas dealer RosUkrEnergo.

With no pipelines or gas fields of its own, RosUkrEnergo had made billions of dollars trading gas between Russia and Ukraine, before Tymoshenko agreed with Moscow earlier this year to get rid of the Swiss-registered company.

Connected in numerous media reports to a Russian gangster, RosUkrEnergo is championed and half owned by a previously little-known Ukrainian businessman named Dmytro Firtash.

Tymoshenko has made Firtash out to be a parasitic middleman, but RosUkrEnergo was also half-owned by Gazprom, and the gas-trade contracts were approved by the Kremlin and Mr. Yushchenko.

But up until now, everyone has sort of given Yushchenko the benefit of the doubt when he said that it was the Kremlin that included Firtash and company in the Russian-Ukrainian gas trade.

Then why - the question goes - is Yushchenko trying to protect the interests of Mr. Firtash by forcing Tymoshenko to turn over the 11 billion cubic meters of gas (about a fifth of what Ukraine imports annually)?

When customs chief Valery Khoroshkovsky refused to clear the "stolen" gas, Tymoshenko fired him. Yushchenko, however, rehired him as deputy head of the SBU, from whose ranks Khoroshkovsky began to try to get control of the gas from Tymoshenko.

Khoroshkovsky, who formally owns a major Ukrainian TV stations de facto controlled by Firtash, even went so far as to arrest the customs official who eventually cleared the gas, but lawmakers from Tymoshenko's faction in parliament pulled "a raid" of their own to free the official from the remand center where he was being held.

On the one hand, this incident is just the latest battle between Yushchenko and Tymoshenko over state revenues, which both suspect each other of planning to use to finance their presidential ambitions.

If we give Yushchenko the benefit of the doubt and assume that he is trying to stop Tymoshenko from commandeering state resources, the question remains as to the president's connection to Firtash.

If Yushchenko really isn't trying to help Firtash in return for the controversial businessman's financial backing, the president is really making it look that way.

As for Tymoshenko, she comes out relatively well either way: either she is robbing a man who is seen by many as having robbed Ukraine, or she is trying to keep gas prices low for ordinary Ukrainians.

Another issue is the lawlessness of it all. Yushchenko pushed the limits of legality before, during his power struggles with former Prime Minister Yanukovych. But Yanukovych had been trying to usurp presidential authority.

Tymoshenko, at worst, is trying to finance her campaign against a man destined to lose his re-election bid anyway. Surely these aren’t grounds for sending the nation's spy service into action?

We may never know who actually benefited from Ukraine's shady gas trade - except of course Mr. Firtash - but with the Kremlin having distanced itself from RosUkrEnergo, Yushchenko may end up holding the bag.

He's going to lose the presidency anyway, and his visions of Western integration may be lost as well, but the hero of the Orange Revolution's reputation is now in the air, along with the question: how low can he go?

Source: Eurasian Home

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